The 25th Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit held in Tianjin, China in 2025 brought together the heads of state of member countries to address a broad spectrum of issues, including security, economic cooperation, and global governance.
major outcomes:
The Tianjin Declaration strongly condemned terrorism, including the Pahalgam attack (a terrorist attack in India). It called for ending the cross-border movement of terrorists and opposed the use of extremist groups for mercenary purposes.
This highlights the SCO’s growing commitment to combating terrorism in the region, though challenges remain, particularly in dealing with states like Pakistan, which continues to harbor groups linked to terrorism.
Laos was accepted as a partner country, increasing the SCO's membership to 27 countries (10 members, including India, and 17 partners). This expansion reinforces the SCO’s geopolitical reach and strengthens its influence in Asia.
A Global Governance Initiative (GGI) was proposed, focusing on sovereign equality, multilateralism, and a just global order. The initiative aligns with India’s vision of "One Earth, One Family, One Future" and underscores the need for a more inclusive global system.
Member states also opposed unilateral coercive measures, including economic sanctions that contravene UN and WTO principles, signaling a preference for a more multipolar and decentralized world order.
The summit welcomed the UNGA resolution against the glorification of Nazism, neo-Nazism, racism, and xenophobia, showing a commitment to fighting hate ideologies.
People-to-people engagement and mutual respect among member states were reaffirmed as important values to strengthen cultural and social ties.
The summit also condemned military actions in Gaza and Iran and called for inclusive governance in Afghanistan as essential for lasting peace in the region.
The summit emphasized stabilizing global trade, expanding bilateral trade and investment, and discussed the establishment of an SCO Development Bank to foster economic growth and cooperation among member states.
The SCO is becoming a significant force in reshaping global multilateralism.
With its growing membership (representing about 23% of global GDP and 42% of the world’s population), the SCO challenges traditional Western-led alliances.
The inclusion of countries like Turkey (a NATO member) as a dialogue partner shows the SCO's widening influence, giving space for the Global South to voice its concerns and resist outdated global frameworks.
The Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) of SCO, based in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, strengthens cooperation among member states against terrorism, extremism, and separatism.
It also fills the security void left by NATO, especially in regions like Afghanistan, where SCO mechanisms such as the Afghanistan Contact Group (ACG) play a role.
SCO fosters economic integration through initiatives like the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) and Chabahar Port, improving trade connectivity between Central Asia and the broader world.
The SCO Business Council and Interbank Consortium are promoting multilateral economic projects.
India’s initiatives within the SCO (e.g., in start-ups, traditional medicine, Buddhist heritage, and digital inclusion) show its potential to foster people-to-people and civilisational ties beyond government interactions.
SCO advocates for UN reform and a more inclusive global governance system that challenges the dominance of post-World War II structures, pushing for a more democratic and multipolar world order.
While the SCO has considerable potential, it faces several challenges:
The Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) is criticized for being ineffective in dealing with actual terrorist organizations. The inclusion of states like Pakistan, which has been linked to terrorism, undermines the organization’s credibility in the fight against extremism.
China and Russia often dominate decision-making, leaving Central Asian states feeling marginalized. The ideal of the “Shanghai Spirit” (which promotes equality and mutual respect) has often remained more rhetorical than practical.
Despite several agreements, intraregional trade within Central Asia remains low, and many economic initiatives, like the Transport Agreement, have not been effectively implemented. This limits the SCO’s ability to drive significant economic growth in the region.
The SCO has struggled to formalize cooperation in key areas like development, energy, and free trade. Its economic forums often function more as networking events than as decision-making bodies.
India has significant concerns about its role within the SCO:
China seeks to reshape the SCO as a China-led platform to promote its own geo-economic and strategic interests, particularly the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which India opposes—especially the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that passes through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK).
India remains outside key connectivity projects like the BRI, limiting its economic influence within the SCO. This is compounded by China’s String of Pearls strategy, which includes naval bases in the Indian Ocean region, further complicating India’s regional security concerns.
The SCO is often seen as an anti-West bloc, primarily dominated by China, Russia, and now Iran. This creates a diplomatic challenge for India, as it must balance its strong ties with the US and its participation in forums like the QUAD.
Despite the efforts of the RATS, Pakistan continues to support cross-border terrorism, and India’s push to name Pakistan-based terrorist groups has been blocked by both China and Pakistan within the SCO.
India can manage its concerns and differences within the SCO by adopting a strategic multialignment approach:
India avoids rigid bloc politics, engaging in both Western-led (like the Quad, G20) and China-led (like SCO, BRICS) platforms. This reflects India’s pursuit of strategic autonomy and a multipolar world order.
India engages selectively in SCO initiatives (like RATS) and avoids commitments that threaten sovereignty, while prioritizing cooperation in non-sensitive sectors like renewable energy, electric vehicles, and artificial intelligence.
India’s cooperation with Russia ensures it has an equal voice in the SCO, counterbalancing China’s dominance. Russia also acts as a bridge in India-China multilateral engagement.
While maintaining troop readiness along the LAC, India continues to pursue disengagement agreements (e.g., Depsang, Demchok) with China, aiming to reduce friction while keeping diplomatic channels open.
India uses the SCO and BRICS to influence Eurasian and Global South narratives while using platforms like the Quad and Indo-Pacific frameworks to counterbalance China’s assertiveness in the region.
The SCO continues to play a central role in shaping the global order, but India’s strategic engagement with the organization will remain key to balancing its national interests and promoting inclusive, multilateral cooperation.
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In every Lecture. Director Sir will provide conceptual understanding with around 800 Mindmaps.
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